A number of thoughts and outrages have been swimming around in my mind lately. Yesterday, I read with great interest a Daily Kos diary talking about House hearings relating to Rep. Kucinich's impeachment resolutions, but which were studiously arranged not to seem like impeachment hearings. One thing in particular about the diary resonated deeply within me:Many people watching the hearings will wonder at some point why no one is just coming out and saying Bush lied. There's extensive precedent in the House against "personal abuse, innuendo, or ridicule of the President."This striking bit of information made me think instantly of Cass Sunstein's fairly recent defense of refusing to aggressively go after the Bush Administration's years of rampant lawbreaking, from torture to warrantless wiretapping. In particular, Mr. Sunstein, who is reportedly a very close Obama advisor, described prosecuting government officials for these clear felonies as "criminalizing public service," as if these unapologetically aggressive abuses of power have been little more than matters of polite disagreement over reasonable policy choices.Personal abuse, innuendo, or ridicule of the President, is not permitted. Under this standard it is not in order to call the President, or a presumptive major-party nominee for President, a "liar" or accuse him of "lying". Indeed, any suggestion of mendacity is out of order. For example, the following remarks have been held out of order: (1) suggesting that the President misrepresented the truth, attempted to obstruct justice, and encouraged others to perjure themselves; (2) accusing him of dishonesty, accusing him of making a "dishonest argument", charging him with intent to be intellectually dishonest, or stating that many were convinced he had "not been honest"; (3) accusing him of "raping" the truth, not telling the truth, or distorting the truth; (4) stating that he was not being "straight with us"; (5) accusing him of being deceptive, fabricating an issue, or intending to mislead the public; (6) accusing him of intentional mischaracterization, although mischaracterization without intent to deceive is not necessarily out of order. [Notes omitted]
Consider in addition to these two exhibits the Democratic Congress's repeated refusal to use every power at its disposal to enforce subpoenas against high Bush Administration officials such as Karl Rove and Harriet Miers, officials who do not simply fail to answer certain questions or produce certain documents, but actually refuse even to show up to the hearings for which they were summoned. Let's also now pile onto this rotten heap the Democrats' craven (perhaps cynical) support for legislation that would forgive and even normalize some of this administration's worst abuses of power, from its lawless detention system to its felonious surveillance programs.
Now bring your mind full circle to the excerpts above about the hallowed House procedures concerning the supremely important need to avoid anything so clearly uncivil as "suggesting that the President misrepresented the truth" (gasp!), "charging him with intent to be intellectually dishonest" (wince!), or "stating that he was not being 'straight with us'" (faint!). Oh thank goodness these rules of discourse are in place in the great People's House, otherwise this country would likely suffer from all sorts of terrible moral afflictions!
These pathetic behaviors are all connected - in a sickly web of human weakness, denial, opportunism, and self-preservation. They all point to a brittle and precious obsession with appearances, a nearly singular fixation on superficial displays of civility, and an instinctual refusal to utter any words that might carry the faintest whiff of ugly truth about the nature of power and wealth in this country.
Why all these overriding and paramount rules of political engagement, in which one must never even intimate that the president was untruthful, or punish clear crimes by high-ranking government officials, or use all available political and legal tools to aggressively confront the institutional brushfire that threatens to engulf the very fabric of our constitutional republic and rule of law?
Reduced to its essence, the reason is that the power elite desperately work to protect themselves from even the suggestion that they could break the law as crudely and nakedly as the common thief, because otherwise it is vastly more difficult for them to maintain the illusion of elite superiority. Truly, the inviolable parlor rules of political engagement and speech are not so much directed at the members of the elite for whom they pertain, but are instead aimed at the onlooking, voting public. After all, so much of being in the upper echelon is about preserving the appearance of deserving to be in the upper echelon. Otherwise, the entire edifice threatens to crack and crumble, and the scaffolding of social/political hierarchy groans under the weight of popular incredulity.
Of course, perhaps the most bitter tragedy accompanying all this is the ruinous incentive scheme that it inevitably creates. When the entire system is built around a sanctimonious need to preserve the superficial trappings of elite dignity - the proverbial Emperor's New Clothes - the poisonous fruit of abuse is ripe for the picking. What better environment in which to violently plunder the very foundations of human order than one where the gravest sin is to openly acknowledge the plunder so plainly taking place? Adding absurdity to the tragedy, however, is the now naked (yet consistently misread) fact that the public already harbors intense loathing for these pretenders to the throne of superiority, yet the players only respond by more adamantly miming such pretense.
The sickness is so virulently thick and pervasive, one can nearly taste it in the Washington air. The dizzying, revolving door whipping around from public service to personal enrichment and back again. The feverish lobbying and mercenary advocacy. The incestuous intermingling of the handmaidens of supposed bitter foes and factions. The bloodless buck trading. This is not just something witnessed in a film, or read in a suspense novel. It happens. All the time.
Indeed, this nightmarish kaleidoscope of mendacity is seen and treated as a game by its participants. Why? Because there are rarely ever any repercussions for these jaunty exploits. Social circles are intertwined like vines on the trees they strangle. Helpful moral ambiguities spring up like weeds where none existed before. Strident opposition, disrespect, and even legal violations are summarily forgiven, because friends, associates, and acquaintances are at stake, and who knows - you could be next. In this marionette prom dance, the ethically scrupulous become the boring wallflowers, the dorky killjoys testing the punch for booze. And at the end of the dance, the Homecoming King and Queen hand out the best party favors to the most enthusiastic participants.
Pathetic and fatuous as it may seem, this social and monetary dynamic steadily overwhelms principle, ideology, and worst of all, the ability to see the real-world consequences of one's actions. The human craving for approval, friendship, influence, and wealth constantly cries out like a hungry child, and the endlessly compartmentalizing human intellect dutifully provides the necessary rationalizations for abandoning one's starting premises, if any existed. Drunk on firm handshakes, phone calls, back slaps, and the hot flush of power's flattery, the advocate slides into a superhighway slipstream of abbreviated thinking in which principles are either kept safely in the rear view mirror or left in the dust outright.
I am sad to say that this mentality, this way of life, infects everything in politics. When you get that pit in your stomach, when you sense that nobody is genuinely looking out for or even acknowledging your interests, when you get the visceral feeling that something somewhere is terribly broken as it lies hidden away, you can be sure that the cause is contentedly toasting its success at a game in which the only losers are the ones not playing.


Salon.com
Comments
"The Impeachment Hearing That Wasn't"
http://www.buzzflash.com/articles/alerts/438
What now? If Congress will not do anything, if the next President will not do anything? If they stack the courts? What is left?
In writing this essay, I sensed the danger that I may inadvertently communicating the notion that nothing can be done, that everything is irrevocably "rigged." Despite the darkness of my sentiments, I do not intend that.
This is by no means exhaustive, but I think a great channel for both venting frustration and making positive change is to participate in one of the many truly grassroots campaign groups that have been forming to replace unaccountable, abuse-of-power-enabling Democrats with better candidates, or to put significant citizen pressure on Democratic officeholders and candidates that no, they cannot take the support of liberals and libertarian allies for granted. Color of Change, Strange Bedfellows, and many of the groups involved in ActBlue are some examples of direct, grassroots citizen involvement in ensuring that our elected representatives truly represent us.
I also think a great way to combat this disease of unaccountability is to support the advocacy groups that are working so tirelessly, often with limited funds, to fight on behalf of individuals' rights and well-being. The ACLU, Electronic Frontier Foundation (electronic privacy rights), and any of an array of government watchdog groups such as POGO.
There are many options for citizens to become involved and counterbalance the smug greed and opportunism consuming Washington. Remember that "we" outnumber "them." I think it's just a matter of getting people outraged enough to want to forgo that little bit of free time or disposable income to support one of the many laudible groups out there.
Consider the Clintion impeachment, how was that different?
Forgive me, I'm not sure I understand this question.
Designator -
Don't even get me started about the press!
I had it on yesterday - couldn't get to much else, it was so fascinating. You have written everything I yelled at the TV. I heard every one of those fat bastards like King of Iowa use the language for which one needs only apply the Mary Matalin test. Whatever they dismiss as the rantings of lunatics, whatever they say it absolutely is not about, BINGO. And the two skulks who were the go-to guys for the minority. You can't make it up. Re-runs are at C-SPAN.
I missed the hearings, but I have been reluctant to watch for precisely the reasons you state. I think my head would explode with all the mendacity.
To me, getting really really outraged is like getting fired up for a boxing match. I need to allow myself to do it from time to time, to keep myself from getting complacent and stupid, but I have to consciously resist doing it too much or I will be a burnt-out wreck of frayed nerves.
I then marvel at how the sheer scale of government corruption, abuse of power, and unaccountability has, to a large degree, immunized it from the consequences of its own abuses. This has been the most feverishly multitasking regime of incompetence and evil I think we've ever seen. As the always fantastic John Oliver said on the Daily Show a few days ago, we are living in a Golden Age of BS, corruption, greed, etc.
Brilliant Vent -- as usual, I am in full agreement with you. Living daily with the knowledge that all layers of our government are corrupt, with at least one candidate promising to support more of the same, is maddeningly frustrating at a minimum...
Show me one sentence, one clause in the Constitution that protects public SERVANTS against criminal prosecution, or in the case of the Executive, impeachment. And since when is it beyond the scope of public discourse to call a lie or crime exactly what it is. At a minimum, call it an alleged crime or lie, and then find out the truth. We don't live in a monarachy or dicatorship, at least not yet.
Why was the Clinton impeachment ok? I would think it had nothing to do with "presidential powers" and the job, it was outside of that realm.
I look at it like this. Impeachment is a unique constitutional remedy, clearly intended by the Founders to allow Congress to restore institutional balance when a powerful official becomes entrenched in his or her overreach and lawlessness.
With Clinton, the whole imbroglio started out as a partisan witch-hunt, a trap was set, and Clinton could not help himself. Clearly what he did (the lying under oath, not the you know what) was wrong and even illegal. However, he was not claiming the inherent constitutional authority to blatantly violate the laws of Congress, and his violation was not a part of a far broader sweep of illegality and institutional domination over the other branches. It was isolated to the particular facts and events at hand, and in light of the question of impeachment, must be viewed in that context.
Bush (and other high officials), on the other hand, just the opposite obviously. The crimes he has repeatedly authorized and covered up all stem from the same underlying philosophy that the executive branch is literally above the law any time they act ostensibly in service of "national security." This is an inherently authoritarian philosophy, directly contrary to almost every feature of our constitutional design, and in light of the purposes of impeachment (and prosecution), the crimes perpetrated in service of that philosophy are exceptionally serious.
I'll start; who wants to join me?
In other words, without some kind of official repudiation of that ideology -- through impeachment, censure, or some kind of public rebuke -- the Bush view of the powers of the president becomes the norm.
In effect, Bush seized the "Ring of Sauron." And unless that ring is taken from him, it will be available for use by future presidents, Democratic and Republican.
So he's been pushing the idea of the "unitary executive." We have signing statements. We have the torture memos, and all that they imply. We have all the misdirection about the Iraq War. We have the U.S. attorney scandal. We have Katrina. We have a growing corporate military force, training in this country. We have an economy in a panic dive, due in part to the war policy.
Just for starters.
Impeachment is off the table, say Congressional leaders; yet, the Judiciary Committee is nibbling around the edges of "high crimes and misdemeanors."
So forget Bush; have a truth commission, they seem to say.
Where is the tipping point for the presidency itself?
Yes, yes, and yes.
Amazingly, Bush still has the support of the majority of the Sunday church goers, too, at least that's my impression. Many Evangelicals still regard him as "a good Christian man" who is doing the Lord's work. Go figure. They don't want him impeached, or the criminality of his deeds made public. To do so would cast some measure of guilt on them for supporting him so strongly.
Concerning the war, the difference between now and 40 years ago is the lack of the draft, and the still relatively low level of war being waged. 150,000 volunteer troops in an occupational role is a lot different than 500,000 mostly draftees in hot battle. Back then, 200 deaths in a week was not uncommon. Those kinds of numbers have the potential to impact nearly everyone. Today's war doesn't. Until the average American is affected by this war, it will not generate the kind of protest that Vietnam inspired, even if the majority of Americans oppose it.
This tipping was not done by the Bush cabal, or any other single Administration, it was a long time coming. Over the last 80 or so years Congress has allowed its role to be incrementally usurped by the Executive to the point where they now have all the relevance of the Duma. It was the death of a thousand cuts, no one slice being large enough to really matter, until they found that there was just no reason for them.
Congress made an attempt 35 years ago to reclaim its role, but it was temporary. Once a proponent of an imperial Executive was back in the oval office, the slide continued. Now they are at the point where when the President shoots them in the face, they apologize by formally giving him the powers that he grabbed.
With a few notable exceptions, I guess they prefer the trappings to the reality.
- Thomas Pynchon
- Introduction
- "1984"
- By George Orwell
- 2003 Edition
"this social and monetary dynamic steadily overwhelms principle, ideology, and worst of all, the ability to see the real-world consequences of one's actions." - and that, in a nutshell, is the answer when people ask in puzzled exclamation, 'how could they?" to the Elliot Spitzers and the Larry Craigs. Easy. Because of this dynamic you so artfully describe, they quite literally didn't think about it beyond the hoped for outcomes.
OK ciao!