Dennis Loo

Sometimes asking for the impossible is the only realistic path

Dennis Loo

Dennis Loo
Location
Los Angeles, California,
Birthday
December 31
Title
Professor of Sociology
Company
Cal Poly Pomona
Bio
Author of Globalization and the Demolition of Society; Co-Editor/Author of Impeach the President: the Case Against Bush and Cheney, World Can't Wait Steering Committee Member, co-author of "Crimes Are Crimes, No Matter Who Does Them" statement, dog and fruit tree lover. Published poet. Winner of the Alfred R. Lindesmith Award, Project Censored Award and the Nation Magazine's Most Valuable Campaign Award. Punahou and Harvard Honor Graduate. Ph.D. in Sociology from UC Santa Cruz. An archive of close to 500 postings of mine can be found at my blogspot blog, Dennis Loo, link below. I publish regularly at dennisloo.com, worldcantwait.net (link below) and also at OpEd News and sometimes at Counterpunch.

MY RECENT POSTS

APRIL 15, 2009 1:42PM

The Unexpected

Rate: 4 Flag

I did expect that Obama upon becoming president would not actually usher in the state of change that he so famously promised.

His actions as a Senator and Nancy Pelosi’s endorsement of him, the same woman who shielded - and continues to shield - the Bush White House from any prosecutions for its manifest and multitudinous crimes, as well as the powerful backing given him by major political and economic players, demonstrated that Obama would not and did not represent any major departure from the Bush years.

If you examined closely his arguments and speeches – as I did in a number of articles, such as this one – what stood out was Obama’s strategic agreement and tactical disagreement with the Bush Doctrine.

He endorsed and accepted, in other words, the underlying logic, but advocated shifts in the manner by which that logic was to be realized.

What I did not expect, however, was that once in office, Obama would not merely uphold the Bush Doctrine’s main tenets, but that he would go even further in carrying forward the fundamental trajectory of Bush and Cheney (a trajectory, by the way, that began under Ronald Reagan.)

While Clinton’s presidency furthered the neoliberal agenda (e.g., NAFTA) and he went after welfare, upheld capital punishment and introduced rendition, his presidency did represent some easing of the GOP’s reign in certain, more superficial respects.

I expected Obama’s administration to be something like this, and certainly this was underscored by his packing his cabinet and advisers with Clinton retreads.

But Obama has not done a Clinton. 

This is abundantly clear with regard to foreign policy (see, by the way, David Swanson’s excellent recounting of Tuesday’s White House press conference). Obama is pursuing a less unilateral tact and stressing the need for talks and multilateral actions, a common tactic by Democratic presidents.

As I wrote once, however, the difference between the Republicans and the Democrats in foreign policy is that the GOP says: “No Talking. The bombing starts now!” The Democrats say: “First we talk. Then we bomb.”  

Moreover, Obama’s pursuing a foreign policy that is, if anything, more aggressive than Bush and Cheney’s by expanding the wars on Pakistan and in Afghanistan. (See Sunsara Taylor on the “O’Reilly Factor” regarding the issue of foreign policy following this post.)

What I want to focus on in this brief essay, however, is specifically Obama’s policies on government surveillance.

The Obama Administration has claimed an executive power so extreme, so incredible, and so outrageous that it surpasses anything that Bush and Cheney dared to claim: Obama’s claim of “sovereign immunity” means that any of their wiretaps or surveillance of any kind, those that they claim in the name of national security and those that are ordinary criminal ones or any others, are not subject to being sued for wrongful governmental actions unless you can prove that the government “willfully” released the information they obtained “publicly.”

They will never admit this, but if you are exercising ubiquitous spying this includes spying on your political rivals in Congress, in State Legislatures, Gubernatorial mansions, States Attorney Generals’ offices, journalists' cell phones and offices, and on any political dissidents. Free speech and free assembly believers take note. Consider the chilling effect this has on anyone in public office or in the larger society who differs with Big Brother.

This means that Obama has not only reneged on his campaign promise to support a filibuster of the Telecom Immunity Bill – a famous betrayal on his part when he instead voted for the bill that gave the telecoms a free pass for violating the law by going along with the Bush White House’s demands that they capture all of our electronic communications (something which, to his credit, the head of Qwest refused to do and then was punished by the White House for his standing up for what was legal and proper).

It means that Obama has not only retained the apparatus of a spy state under his watch. That would be bad enough by itself, but there’s even more.

Obama has gone beyond and asserted the government’s right to have no restrictions on its spying and declared the government immune from prosecution for any of its misconduct.

“Sovereign immunity” is what Obama’s DOJ is calling it.

The term is apt. 

No one since the time of kings has dared to assert this kind of power in the U.S., let alone implement such unrestrained power.

What defense can Obama have for such egregious behavior? What defense do those who are still seduced by Obama’s charisma and empty promises have for this?

Yes, Obama’s not Bush and he’s not Cheney.

He’s more dangerous than they were, because he’s getting away with things that Bush and Cheney didn’t even try.

Obama’s smarter than Bush for sure. He’s more skillful. When he’s lying to us he does it in full sentences.

How much more time do you want to give the man until you decide that you’ve had enough and it’s time to take him on for what he truly is? 

 

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Comments

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Thanks BBE, as always, and thanks for your other comment on my last post on my comments.

Voting itself isn't where public policy is made. Electoral contests are designed principally for the purpose of giving the people the impression that the people decide. The people don't decide through voting. The people CAN impact and can be a decisive factor on public policy if they break out of the thrall of electoral channels and express their sentiments extra-electorally - in the streets, on their bodies, from their cars, on the walls, in their blogs, in letters, on signs, on their lawns and apartment buildings, etc. The independent power of the masses of people is irrepressible if the people are determined enough and (eventually) massive enough and we don't funnel our hopes into cul-de-sacs like elections and business as usual.
Dennis, I like your post a lot, and I like your comment (in response to BBE) even more! I would just add that in my view, the absolutely best and most important place for people to "express their sentiments extra-electorally" (as you so beautifully put it) is in the one place you left off your list, and that is in the workplace. The power to withhold our labor is the most significant power we have, because it is our labor that keeps the system going, and without our labor, "business as usual" is impossible. Massive, repeated demonstrations did not stop Bush from starting the Iraq war. Massive, repeated strikes would have had a better chance.
Well, in the end, states seem to always do this. It is the equilibrium, which of course, you don't have to like.
Organian: So right you are! Thanks for catching my omission about the importance of workplace actions and actions by workers.

Don: What is the equilibrium that you speak of? A spy state? A state unhindered by troublesome things like law or morality? Does the fact that they do this make it OK?
A world of militarists is always a possibility, unfortunately. They seem to win over very long time periods within civilizational frameworks a la Spengler, i.e. Sparta, Macedon, Rome and the Classical world, the Han, Japan's history, the repeated militarisms of the caliphate to Turkish slave soldiers. Republics suffer from their divisiveness in the end it would seem, although I suppose the Liberal (classical) argument is that now, with technology, that the military edge goes to the Liberal states, although over long time periods the external compulsion of war added to the public goods problem of Liberty, and faction/Condorcet paradox, yields the cycle proposed by Machiavelli in the Discourses.
But who knows, these changes in the past were over long time periods of course, and maybe we can get things right, although the negative power of egotism is hard to ignore.
(I've been a bit busy with some other matters, so I haven't been at OS for a while.)

Thank you for this post. It is good that you have got the time to inform what is going on.

Wiretaps are now everywhere. Did you know that during the last year Sweden made such a law, which makes it legal to listen all telephone calls and to read all emails going through the borders? It was strange that it was Sweden of all EU states to do that first.

But what can be made against spying? Maybe people should do a public strike not to use phones at all for a week... Then the telephone providers would get scared of their money making business and press the politicians to change spying laws?