One of the celebrated principles upon which our nation is founded is the notion of checks and balances, as manifested,
for example, in the separation of US governmental powers into the three distinct branches federal government.
Accepting Flaws in Our Nature
At the meta level, the core principle that was key is that “people will be people.” Although the founders understood the need for governments, they also distrusted governments—even the one they were themselves making.
Guided by this healthy distrust, they constructed a system that allowed us to elect ordinary human beings as Presidents. It wouldn’t be possible to have our country otherwise because if we were really electing Kings, we’d be putting too much power in one person. It would be impossible for an electorate to know what an unconstrained King might do. So when we place our trust in government, it’s not in a person but in a whole system of processes. We trust the person to do a job, but we trust the system to limit that person’s power.
This is what was so scary about Bush. It wasn’t just that he was bad. It was that he was dismantling the safeguards. That was really bad. The safeguards impeded him, and I think he honestly felt we were trusting him personally to do a certain thing that he was unable to do. I think he felt he’d been trusted to personally clear all obstacles. In fact, many of us were trusting him, or wishing we could trust him, to do what was legally allowed and no more. The rest, the part Bush could not change, was the paradigm we had all signed up for—democracy. It’s slow and inefficient, but it protects us from dictators.
I think Bush didn’t aspire to be a dictator and so he didn’t see the harm. He figured as long as his intentions were good, anything he did was good. It was as if good intent was a magic aura that could protect him from injuring others. Sadly, though, I think he was incompetent, and I think incompetence is sometimes as dangerous as bad intent. But either way, what protection we had from him was in the process due through our system’s “checks and balances.” As these fell away, Bush became more dangerous. And the danger will persist until Obama gets out the trowel and repairs the damage Bush has done to various Constitutional foundations.
We see the good side of process playing itself out now in the Blagojevich matter. Here’s a guy who seems pretty obviously corrupt, and yet our political system is somewhat resilient against that. The process of checks and balances caught the problem, and have been at work correcting it. Some actions taken by Blagojevich have managed to stand, such as his appointment of a successor, not because we necessarily trust his decision on its face, but because an independent process is in place to evaluate the choice in various ways—so we don’t have to do as might happen in some other countries and just exile or arrest or even assassinate anyone who has ever touched his discredited administration.
But then there is the Court.
In Denial about Human Nature
Discussion about the Supreme Court in recent years seems to have focused a lot on the issue of original intent. That troubles me, and on another day I might write about that in specific,
but what troubles me even more is the notion that discussion of the Supreme Court seems to be trending toward the idea that we expect our judges not to behave like human beings.
As I’ve noted, we don’t ask the executive to be impartial, nor our congressional representatives. Rather, we have built structures that allow them be themselves. And yet, we appoint nine people for life and entrust our personal and collective future to these people we sometimes know so little about. That seems dangerous to me because there are, in effect, no checks and balances. Increasingly, too, we have found that what it takes to become a Justice is to have never made a public statement, as if this qualifies one for office.
Don’t get me wrong—I think impartiality is important in situations where there is a check on that. In the lower courts, we ask impartiality but not because we simply trust it will come. Lower court decisions can and do get reviewed higher up the ladder. But at the top comes the hard question: What are the checks and balances in the Court itself? In other words, who watches the watchers?
Justice Ginsberg
I mention this now because Justice Ginsberg is reportedly being treated for cancer. I wish her well, and I think it’s time she took time out to battle the disease and not worry about the Court. To be more plain—I think she should step down. As one of the liberals on the Court, she will never have a better chance, in that it will be years before there is another Democratic president in office. Either Obama will be successful and will be in office eight years, or he will be a failure and a Republican will be in office. That will again mean a minimum of 8 years before there will be another Democratic president. And that means she’ll be 92 when her next likely chance is to have a replacement. With cancer in play for the second time, her odds are not good, but they may improve if she can at least focus on fighting the disease and not on the stresses of the Court.
And having made the suggestion she step down, I want to add a recommendation about how to find a replacement for her. (President Obama, are you listening?)
All evidence is that Obama is someone who not only likes compromise but seeks it out. He seems to thrive on consensus and seems to want to show the world that people can get things done better together than separately. He’s already been accused of compromising too early, and while all the returns are not yet in on whether that’s so, it’s something to watch out for here. I think he’ll feel the temptation to seek compromise with Republicans about who to select. He should avoid this temptation.
The compromise to be had is in the Court, after a suitable replacement is found, not in the selection of who will be appointed to the Court. If Obama wants to impose compromise, he must do so by insisting that adequate representation of positions exist on the Court. Since the Court is already right-leaning, he cannot restore balance by first compromising on a suggested replacement for someone who is already known to be left-leaning. The result would be to move the court further to the right.
Institutionalized Conflict
I suggest that it would be well within the scope of President Obama’s style to bring the fact of political disagreement on the Court finally out into the open.
He should insist that, gradually over time as replacements are needed, the goal should be to have three conservatives, three moderates, and three liberals. Insist that their public statements and voting record back this up, and that this should be the topic of robust public debate during the confirmation process—verifying that this balance is achieved.
Replace Justice Ginsberg unabashedly one-for-one with a liberal, since clearly the Court is right-leaning at present and it’s essential that the nation see a balance in that critical function. In future replacements, if such are necessary, pledge to make choices that seek to overtly maintain a 3-3-3 balance, even if it means sometimes replacing conservatives with other conservatives (although presently I think there are more conservatives on the Court than the 3-3-3 model might suggest, and some minor leveling might be needed before this was 100% in play).
It might even be appropriate to insist that the Chief Justice must be from among the moderates, in order to promote bipartisan support for what should be a task of promoting consensus, not of abusing opportunity. Having the Chief be from the left or the right means potential radical swings when that person steps down and a President of the opposite party happens to be in power. The notion that the future of the country should hinge on such matters of sheer coincidence and timing is a bad one.
There would still be Justices that would drift in position over time, as has happened in the past. When this happened, it would be a legitimate topic of discussion during appointments whether existing Justices should be recategorized before appointing a replacement. But by focusing on actual voting records and offered statements, this would no longer be a matter of nudges and winks, nor would it be a matter of packing the Court.
Courting Stability
Note well—I’m not suggesting that we throw out the idea that Justices should attempt impartiality. I’m not suggesting that they feel obliged to represent a particular political fashion. They would still be installed for life and left to conscience. What I’m saying is that sometimes, inevitably, other factors will come into play. I’d rather see those things acknowledged where they are in play, and to know that if there’s a risk of political bias in one direction, there’s at least a hope of a bias in the other direction. It’s about achieving balance and about being intellectually honest about the nature of human beings. The rest of our government builds in that notion, why not the Supreme Court?
Once we admit that people have biases, and we begin to install people with known-to-be-differing biases, the checks and balances on the Court will become “the other Justices.” If we instead continue to pretend that a bunch of people that we have deliberately not asked about the issues, people over whom we have no remaining power because they are appointed for life, will somehow act magically as a check on unreasonable power within the Court itself, we’re kidding ourselves.
Under our present system, we live in a fairy tale land where we believe that the Justices are paragons of virtue somehow capable of avoiding life and its natural biases. With the change I propose, the Court would again be a matter of process. We could tolerate and even celebrate the fact of Justices being opinionated and outspoken philosophers rather than enduring the ridiculous lie that if they don’t speak out, they will somehow be immune to flamboyant opinion (whether to the Left or the Right).
Also, once we start allowing Justices to be human beings again, we’ll have a much bigger and better pool of people to choose from. I have to believe the best decisions will come from having Justices who have actually lived life, not from those who have somehow avoided it.
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Comments
Lets hope as an appointment approaches, those in the decision process reviews that appointment with your in depth resolve.
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Alas, it's a long enough post that it looks like the responses will dribble in slowly. I do wish I could learn to say things in more pithy fashion so that I'd get more people reading sometimes... My works are nowhere near the beauty of Mozart, perhaps, and yet I do sometimes empathize with the dialog he gets in Amadeus where he just can't figure out what it would mean to cut his pieces shorter and still have them be the same piece.
I don't think the Court should actually be slowed any further by a division of ideology -- the process for things just to get to the Court already imposes such deliberation that they're ten steps back from public sentiment in everything, in addition to their guaranteed tenure. So I'm mostly in favor of the current process -- of periodic replacement by presidents -- as the best way to guard against major swings.
But still I like your idea. So -- of course, I will keep mulling.
Overall, though, I don't think an imposition of a system of choosing justices is the way to make it moderate, again based on past/present gaps, but also because I'm not convinced that it functions as a better check or balance than we have now so long as one person is being granted the power to say what passes for moderate, liberal, or conservative at any given time. We already have someone who gets to say that: the President, in making his appointments. And then the Senate gets to reject them based on those personal criteria, and they tend to weed out the extremes (no Gonzales on the court, for instance). I guess I lack faith that there could be any change just by defining which seats were supposed to go to whom -- instead, I think we might see a greater move toward secrecy in nomination, so that someone advertised as a moderate might actually be placed on the court with the hope (by the president) that s/he would vote to one side or the other consistently.
But I'm coming from the position of not thinking the current system is broken, in part because I don't see the problem that you enumerate: If we instead continue to pretend that a bunch of people that we have deliberately not asked about the issues... The Senate has done a fair, if not completely admirable, job of asking about issues specifically when appointing Justices. Ginsburg's confirmation was pretty stringent in its tests of her theories on law, and the Bork confirmation isn't that far past. Alito's hearing started out with specific discussions of his positions on privacy and its application to abortion, and moved into executive theory. Obama himself voted against Roberts and Alito on the basis of their judicial philosophies in part because of their responses to the Judiciary Committee (and has been an advocate for greater argument and discussion of legal philosophy before the committees).
I think the Court is moderate compared to our other institutions, and has only really been an activist/extreme court when the public has become too moderate for action (like in the 50s on Civil Rights). I want the option for real action to remain, though I understand the dangers.
The old response to a question with an obvious answer used to be "Is the pope Catholic?" Now it's "Is the Supreme Court Catholic?" At this point five of the nine members are Catholic.
Whether they vote in certain ways because of their religion, or whether their religion has shaped their judicial philosophies are interesting questions.
I have spent a lot of time hanging out on right wing blogs and web sites. One thing that is absolutely clear to me is that the right, and especially the religious right, wanted to stack with deck with conservative Supreme Court justices. They are quite open about that. The right has absolutely no interest in a balanced Court.
In 2006 Justice Alito even sent James Dobson a thank-you note (!) for his and his followers' support in helping to seat Alito and Roberts. In part, the note read "This is just a short note to express my heartfelt thanks to you and the entire staff of Focus on the Family for your help and support during the past few challenging months. . . . As long as I serve on the Supreme Court I will keep in mind the trust that has been placed in me."
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/max-blumenthal/alito-sends-james-dobson-_b_16596.html
In the context of the letter, I think the "trust that has been placed in me" refers to the trust of Dobson and his followers, not the trust of "we the people."
Had McCain been elected, the joke "is the Supreme Court Catholic?" might have become a literal reality and not a joke.
While it is true that the Senate does an adequate job of asking about issues, it's not clear to me that they do an adequate job of keeping an eye on the overall composition of the Court, and selecting justices in order to achieve a balance.
And I think that's Kent's point -- we can't look at nominees to the Court in isolation from the existing justices. Instead each nominee has to be considered in the context of how he or she would affect the balance of the court. While that cannot be predicted with certainty, we probably could at least figure out who is more or less likely to send a thank-you note to James Dobson. And that might be enough to have at least a little more balance on the Court -- or at least to have a Court that doesn't have the appearance of being a branch office of the Catholic church.
If I cant do anything else I can still read. I do love this idea you have for a 3/3/3 court. The only problem is appointing people who stay right leaning/moderate/liberal.
Some of them have had some surprises later in their decisions.
I have followed the arguement of original intent with complete horror. This thread of original intent has little or no sense for me.
I cant follow the agruement no matter how hard I try.
So I agree that Ginsberg should just resign.
And I thank you for writing this piece. Your writing is clear and makes good points. So many do not.
And of course I despair of my own answer, because I'd love nothing more than a radically redone court.
The premise that we should allow judges to behave as people with identifiable political views only highlights the fundamental criticism of the Supreme Court which is that it is no longer a court but is instead a super-legislature. The 3/3/3 option only makes this worse by implying that we are using purely political philosophy criteria to make choices.
Historical example: The Senate was once supposed to play the moderating role by having longer terms and indirect elections. Populism turned it into direct elections. These are now some of the most contested elections because it is impossible to gerrymander a state.
So, if the Supreme Court becomes purposely a political forum, then why not have judges elected? Obviously, there are some good reasons against it but it would be less possible to argue that the courts are fundamentally different and should not be elective.
This is why the argument about originalism is so important. If the judges are not limited by the written law then no one is protected. The judges can decide anything, for any reason, and the only check on them is the extremely high threshold of constitutional amendment. And, even that is on skaky ground because the Court is who would decide what the amendment means.
Those words sounded like they were coming from my own head!
As to the court thing ... if you can do 3/3/3, why not just do 0/9/0? What's the benefit of having the six at the extremes?
Also, I suspect real legal scholars would dismiss the popular media portrayal of judges as merely "liberal" or "conservative". Although MSM reporting uses that language, I bet legal opinion is much more complex than that, and it might be hard (or even inaccurate) to place a given individual on a single spectrum.
Finally: rather than life appointments, what about merely long ones? 10 years? 15? 20? Something where there is some forecasting of when the next appointment will occur, which might allow debate during the previous Presidential campaign. No repeated terms, so no campaigning by the judges. But they're forced to leave, on a predictable schedule.
Yes, I think I agree with you. "Qualified or unqualified" is indeed the current framing of approving judges. Whereas ideology actually does matter. And almost anything that caused it to be a more explicit part of the discussion is probably heading in a good direction.
Their lust for cerititude causes them to rule in a way that favors their personal outcome preferences. They, as do you and I try desperately to plan our activities to suit our outcome. It is nice to try but we are dissappointed regularly by the random occurences of the world that neutralize our efforts. The 3/3/3 proposal assumes stability of world events. Yesterdays "remember the Maine" becomes todays "9-11" and tomorrows "Korea, Cuba, Venezuala, China or whatever. Remember that a congress that had voted for secular language was the same Congress that gathered on the Capitol steps and invoked the name of God on 9-11-01.
I assume your intentions are to fix the "broken" court and install a court that does not lean left or right. You cannot standardize thought. I cannot imagine a process that is trying to predetermine a neutral outcome! The extremes of human activity are what guides us..."good versus evil", black and white, your house or mine, upstairs or downstairs, Union versus Confederate, right versus left. Do you think that a supreme court with a balanced 3/3/3 composition will always rule 3/3/3 ? Of course not and the tiebreaker will always be emotion and desire for certitude.
Your desire for a decent screening of candidae
tes is well intentioned. I ask you "who is doing the screening?" A legistlature that is rife with corruption and filled with special interest agenda.
This may be a cop out, but I am for leaving the system as it is, because it seems that everytime government fixes something it always gets worse. The leaning of the court, legislature and executive branch reflect the people and the random events leading to their rule.