I have come to believe that the Founding Fathers blew it when they wrote The First Amendment. They shouldn't have spoken of “free speech” but instead should have spoken of unfettered access to information—that is, “the freedom to hear.”
The two are similar rights, but the right to hear is the more important one.
As I see it, the right to stand on a soap box in the park is not a right to stop others who might pass by and hold them hostage, forcing them to listen to one's message. It is not a right of coercion. Rather, the power of the right is the opportunity to place oneself passively in a place where others, if they so choose, might elect to listen.
Democratic Need: The Fuel of Change
It's critically important in a democracy that the majority is able to hear about things that are not popular with that majority. That is how open-minded people change their minds. They take in information about less-popular ideas and consider whether to change their mind and admit new ideas.
In a well-functioning democracy, the status quo will represent the majority viewpoint. As a result, any possible change will occur due to a minority viewpoint taking hold. For that to happen, it's critical that the populace have access to unpopular views. On the other hand, forcing them to receive unpopular views would be tyranny by some minority. So the process must be voluntary, and must involve a conscious decision by enlightened members of the populace to hear what might change their mind.
Tie-Breaking the Golden Rule: Spam and Telemarketing
In some ways, one might think the matter symmetric and the choice of how to express it merely a variation of wording. Communication involves a speaker and a listener, so to say conversation is about speech is to say it's about listening. What's the big deal?
Well, for one thing, if the speaker and listener are not in agreement, there becomes the question of who should win. Those of us who believe that the Golden Rule is the dominant meta-rule that drives all politics find ourselves in an uncomfortable position when one person wants to, even has an articulated right to, speak while another has no desire to listen, and has no corresponding articulated right to assert. Something feels unbalanced about that. Tour right to speak pushes out at me and I need a corresponding force I can balance with. Saying my only right is to speak back, and not merely to assert a right of silence, seems unfairly coercive to me. At minimum there must be a balance of power between speaker and listener.
And yet even then, ties will still occur. In matters of telemarketing and spam, the answer seems clear to me, even before the imposition of rights and laws, just on the basis of common sense. In fact, I was first alerted to this issue at all by receiving email spam that contained a patriotic-sounding passage about free speech which seemed to have the purpose of saying “I have the right to send this and you don't have the right to complain about that.” I don't think that's so. I think the rights of the listener must dominate over the rights of the speaker. In the case of a conflict, the term “free speech” appears to give dominant power to the speaker, while an alternate phrase like “freedom to hear” shifts control to the listener.
Publishing and Censorship
There is also the matter of speaking generally, passively, to no particular person—the matter of publishing, if you will. Publishing speaks out, but with no identified listener.
But publishing does not intrude. Published material can sit patiently and wait, in a library or repository. This process is voluntary, and while it might seem an act of “pushing” information out, that's mistaking advertising for inventory. Inventory is the passive receipt of information to a waystation, awaiting a consumer who will tune in.
Publishing is curious, too, because it actually speaks not only to everyone now existing but to people who might not yet be born. It would be unrealistically difficult to poll everyone who now exists, but when you add those who might exist in the future, it's a definite impossibility. No one can know who might be interested and who might not. And yet publishing speaks to all such people.
And so when it comes to the possibility of censorship we find someone intervening in the wending, passive, voluntary path from speaker to would-be end-listener. But whose rights are denied? The speaker's? I would allege not. The speaker has spoken and even if the speaker's words might reach the intended audience, I've argued he has no right to impose them. It's the listener who has the ultimate right to receive the information. If the chain is broken, it is the listener who is infringed.
In fact, in the impossible situation that it could be shown in advance that there could not possibly be any person interested to hear, one might theoretically argue it was not only rightful but merciful to ask that the speaker desist. But given that no such argument could reasonably be constructed, because there is no science capable of predicting what future people will or won't want to hear, organized censorship has no place because it denies the ultimate rights of listeners, not the rights of speakers.
The Complexities of Public Speech
Recently in the news is the question of whether Obama should be permitted to speak at Notre Dame, given his position on abortion. Under my formulation, I claim it should be clear that this is the wrong question. The right question is not Obama's right to speak, it's whether there is any person at Notre Dame who wants to hear what he has to say, because it is the need of those who might be open to his message that is at issue.
Of course, Public Speech poses a particular difficulty if you assume that any possible reader should have a right to deny speech. Here there are two ways to break things down. One is to say that this argues that Free Speech is the core right and that in order to argue Obama's right to speak I have to go back to that. But I'm not trying to argue based on an ideology. I don't begin with the notion that he must have a right to speak and then bend all law to suit my Machiavellian end goal. Rather, I begin with the simple question: How will that one person in the audience who would hear Obama get the information if Obama is not allowed to speak?
Certainly, if Obama is invited he must be allowed to speak because that's in the nature of the contract. Let someone who doesn't want him to speak not invite him. So this beef by certain would-be audience-members and onlookers is not with Obama, it's with the conference organizers.
And, further, it seems clear that if someone trying to enlighten themselves at a university wants the information, they should have access to it. This goes back to the censorship issue. It seems clear that it serves the rights of the audience to permit controversial speakers. Such speakers' goals may be served by speaking, but in my view they ought enjoy no right to speak if there are no listeners who would hear.
What makes the issue of Obama a problem is not that he might attend and speak but that an audience who wants to be there for other reasons is put in an awkward position. Their choice becomes to attend an event where they would not voluntarily listen, or not to attend. But to not attend means missing an event that is significant for other reasons. This bundling of two unrelated events is the real cause of the difficulty. A structuring of the event to allow those who would do so to attend the main body of the event and then to leave, perhaps in protest, would probably have resolved this. So much the better if their leaving provided seats for others who would like to hear the lecture because I suspect there were not seats enough for all who had wanted to attend and that if those who don't want to hear the lecture were to leave, the gathering place would quickly refill with people who did want to hear.
Avoiding the “Least Common Denominator”
The problem of public speech is also tricky for another reason. There is a temptation by some to manipulate the system in order to say that all public discourse must be a kind of “least common denominator”—permitting only the most conservative of speech, that speech which is acceptable to all. Or, at least, that speech alleged to be acceptable to all. Who even knows if there is any such speech.
The freedom to hear must not be confused with a right of the individual to control what others may say in a public venue by asserting their right against others' rights to publish. The recourse in that case must be a right of individuals to opt out of situations that will thrust arbitrary messages at them in unwanted fashion. I have some sympathy for someone not wanting to see offensive billboards in a public square, for example, since opting out of using certain public areas may be difficult. But the notion that a speech or an internet page must not exist because there is someone somewhere not interested in it misses the entire point of what it is for information to be passively conveyed.
As long as there is a simple, cost-free, rational way to opt out, that should be the final recourse of the party who wants to use their freedom to hear as a mechanism for stopping speech they do not like. Causing the speaker not to speak means potentially infringing another's right to hear. Better to just avoid the venue where the unwanted speech is ocurring.
Just Plain Noise
It should go without saying, but I'll say it anyway: At the point where you're playing your music too loud or blocking my path to a building or any of a variety of other so-called speech acts, you're not exercising what I see as free speech, since you're not entertaining my need to hear, you're just a force trying to invade my space. Making your message available to me is fine, but making it impossible for me to ignore your message is not fine, and certainly ought not be your right.
Sometimes in a society when there are injustices, one takes actions to get attention that are beyond the scope of their rights; but civil disobedience is not a right, it is a calculated sacrifice.
Information from Foul Sources
A particular case of interest is the question of whether murderers should be allowed to write books. Some would say these people have lost their rights and must not be allowed to speak. Perhaps. But I claim that the interesting question is whether the would-be readers of such things have lost their right to hear from a murderer. Do law enforcement officials, psychologists, and even just ordinary citizens sitting at home have no right to know what makes a murderer tick? I think not.
If necessary, cut off the convicted felon's right to the money or even to media notice or fan mail or other benefits of he publication. But if the murderer will offer useful information to those whose enjoy full rights in our society, I see no reason to keep a murderer from writing. The real victim will be a free society who will not be able to prepare for the next such murder.
In September 1997, Salon's Table Talk forum hosted an interesting extended discussion on one of its threads about the question of whether the reader of literary works should make a decision about what to read or not based on the moral character of the author. I was proud to participate. (If you're a fan of author Sherman Alexie, you'll find him there as well.) The discussion is long, but I highly recommend it for those who are interested in this topic and can spare the time. It was entitled “She boiled squirrel nutkin, he diddled girls -- does it spoil the message?”
Summary
There are two parties involved in a communication. If both are willing, the communication should proceed. But when there's a dispute, who wins? Using terms like “free speech” appears to give the favor to the speaker, which I think is wrong. I prefer the term “freedom to hear” because it gives final say back to the person who would be receiving the information. In my view, the right to free speech ought not be a right to impose one's message on another, only about making messages passively available to others who would hear them.
Free speech is a way of guaranteeing that we in a democracy and in a free society have access to a free flow of ideas. It isn't supposed to be a way of forcing us to endure a free flow of noise or indoctrination. That's not freedom, it's slavery.
I'm not suggesting a Constitutional amendment, although if I were doing the Constitution over, I would ask for a balancing “freedom to hear.” However, even within our present society, with the Constitution as it presently is, I often find that reformulating problems of free speech as problems involving a freedom to hear yields important insights in how to think about those problems in fresh and empowering ways.
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Historical Note
This article is based on an earlier article that I wrote in 2001.


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Comments
In the movie Conspiracy Theory we were disquieted by the protagonist having his eyes held open to see against his will. It illustrated perfectly how evil his captors were.
In a free society the citizens have the right to the privacy of their ears and eyes. Only a bullying tyrant would suggest that he/she has ultimate right of access to all venues for his/her message.
of course the bill of rights guarantees that we should be free from government encroachment on speech, but doesn't prevent a private actor from limiting what they choose to hear
the "do not call" lists seem to me to recognize that government can have a role in enforcing an individual's right to choose whether or not to hear
1. The right of privacy is used in our constitutional law as an extension of the right of free speech and has, I believe, been used to include the right to hear, since there is no right to hear specifically in the constitution. How is this right to hear different than the right to privacy as interpreted by the courts? In other words, isn't the right to hear already accommodated in the legal interpretations of the right to free speech?
2. It seems to me that the Notre Dame example may be flawed as a good example of the right to hear. Notre Dame is a private university. As such there is a legitimate question whether or not the students at Notre Dame have a right to hear the President. That is a decision of those who run the school, isn't it? I am pretty sure that the courts have never sided with the rights of students to demand how a private university is run. They can sit in and boycott classes, etc., but they have no right to do so. If they sit in they are breaking the law and if they boycott classes they can be flunked. So how does this right to hear work in private environments? Were someone to come into my house and demand to right to hear something offensive to my ears should that person prevail? I guess the question is how would your idea of a right to hear fare when it comes to the right to private property and/or the right to privacy?
Conceptually I see no flaw in your argument. Practically my old grad school days of getting a master's in constitutional law get in the way of understanding how it would be applied in this country given our current understandings of what the constitution both requires and permits.
Very solid thinking on your part, Kent.
Monte
You probably know or can easily guess that I'm not a lawyer but have studied Constitutional Law in various ways (seminars, study tapes,etc.) so there are gaps in my background and I'm not familiar with free speech being used as a source of privacy law; I know the religion half of the First Amendment is. So my answer here might not be in response to what you meant. I'm going to first guess that if there is a finding of privacy there, it's related to the idea that if the government can't infringe speech, it can't infringe the right to converse, and since conversation has listeners, then it can't infringe listeners. Perhaps so. But that breaks down, for example, in publication.
Pornography, for example, (and I'm not talking stuff involving minors,which has an injured party here, just ordinary mature material produced using and consumed by consenting adults) is only somewhat protected; in particular, external parties are allowed to decide whether the conversation has redeeming value, which is exactly what is not allowed in speech. The right of an end-user to choose what content to voluntarily receive stands in question, and in fact the lack of that right is what allows restrictions to be pushed back up the pipe to the producer in some cases even though there is generally a chain of consent from start to end. That topic is rarely politically persuasive, of course, because it makes obvious sense to those already in agreement and no sense to those not persuaded.
In general, in all such controversies, you find two camps: a group that thinks it's a right to have something and doesn't want to cede that right and a group that thinks it's a right to forbid something and doesn't want to cede that. (For example, I was never more weirded out than in a moot court at a past Computers Freedom and Privacy,cfp.org, conference where real lawyers from the government argued other real lawyers on wiretapping just so we could see how it goes. The People argued that the right to privacy must not be yielded, but the Government argued, in effect, that there had never been a right to privacy and that it was a danger to the public to allow one to be created.)
But back to speech, popular speech never requires protection—only unpopular speech does.
The middle ground, though, is where the speaker and the listener are not in agreement. Then, assuming I'm right in the implications I drew,the notion that the right to hear (to endorse speech you want or even to limit your receipt of speech you don't) does not follow from free speech, and you have no Constitutional protection. At best you have tort law protections on noise, or some sort of fourth, fifth, or even the all-important “penumbra of the ninth amendment” protection against privacy. And as we all know in the case of spam and telemarketing,having no counter-balancing right to tell the spammers to shut up is tough.
You're right to observe that the first amendment right of free speech is a right against the government, not individuals. But a lot of law is about intimidation, and a lot of people accept our rights and our laws in places they have no formal effect. (The same is true of biblical texts, where a at least several of the so-called commandments are obviously just decent common sense, so we can quibble about jurisdiction and enforcement, but if you find me raising an axe to someone and scream out “thou shalt not kill,” I'm not leading with my best card by saying “Who cares? I'm not religious.” Sometimes I actually think that's what some religious folks fear in the non-religious, but I know no non-religious people who think that a consequence of their non-religion is that they get to live in a rule-free society.)
Rules come from many places, and so do good ideas. So yes, as a formal matter, the example of speaking at a private institution would not be a “freedom to hear” situation, but then it has already been discussed as a “free speech” case. I was merely pointing out that shifting the point of view in the analysis yields interesting thoughts (just as doing the free speech analysis does, by the way).
To confront an ever-changing set of things in the world, one wants powerful intellectual tools that allow them to break down a situation in ways that provide a foothold for thought. That's most of what I'm offering here. Sorry for blurring matters by introducing a case that isn't legally enforceable; it's a valid criticism, but I hope you'll see there was at least some utility to my dragging that in—I just wanted to give people a way to look with fresh eyes at this topic that many are actively debating even now.
In the issue of pornography the Supreme Court has mucked around with the question of "community standards" which has not ever been clearly described since by definition each community is different.
Where pornography pushes into my idea of privacy is when it becomes available to me or say, my grandchildren, unbidden. I think that is where the fight will be in the future, and if I had to guess my ideas would lose, ie: that I have the right to keep it from invading my private space.
I think I would be told to use the V Chip or some such blocking mechanism on the computer. The trouble with that is that these mechanical blocks are not selective enough and often can't begin to block all the pornography or they block things that are not pornography.
But I still think that the argument would be against me. The other side would argue that I have ways to block pornography at my command, and they would prevail.
All of these issues ultimately are decided as cases where situational ethics becomes the arena where they are discussed and situationa ethics becomes the ultimate arbiter of the nature of the discourse.
Incidentally, that is exactly how I address issues like the 10 Commandments today. Modern theologians of my ilk, not fundamentalist theologians (is that even possible? ;-) ) would argue that the Commandments are at the heart of Torah and as such are instruction, not universal truths. Rather we are required to understand what God's Torah is saying to us at this time and place in history.
Thus a liberal theologian like me sees a living Bible and a God who is not through speaking to us. Ironically, that implies that the Commandments are not writ in stone, pun intended, but are living instructions that require situating them in the sitz en lieben of the modern world.
Good thoughtful replies. Thanks much, Kent.
Monte
When we consider shifting our freedoms from “to speak” to “to hear/perceive”, varying language and cognitive barriers come to play. Does someone who is mentally challenged have the same rights to access information as someone who is gifted? Do we equate access to information as the same as perceiving? If we limit access to information to only access rather than perceiving, then we still trip on language barriers. For example, a Swedish speaker attempts to access to an English-spoken only video of Obama speaking. We could argue that the Swede has access to the information, but at the same time, we realize that this speaker truly cannot access it, and given the right tools, the speaker could perceive it.
This demarcation between access and access brings my language barriers to foray. Do I have the same right to access information as my fellow Americans do? I’m not Swedish. I can speak and write English. I just can’t hear it.
I want to be clear in saying there is a freedom to hear that this isn't a freedom to snoop. It's a freedom to hear that which is properly and freely offered. Just because there is something confidential somewhere, it doesn't follow that someone's right to free speech gives them the power to reveal it nor does someone's right to hear give them the power to demand it be revealed. There may indeed be a lot of cases where there should be separate rights of a free people to know what their government is doing, etc. Governments keep lots of secrets and one might legitimately ask whether that's good. But if it's not good, the right to speak or to hear is not the reason it's not good. It would be not good because, for example, you can't have a decent government if you can't replace the people who are not doing well, and you can't replace the people who aren't doing well if you don't know who they are, and the only way you can know who they are is to know what they did and enough information to be able to evaluate the goodness of their actions in the name of the people.
That said, one can lose wars over making imminent battle plans visible and one can be fleeced by criminals who are ever-aware of law enforcement moving in on them. So there is a balance to be struck and a real discussion to be had balancing openness and privacy. But it's different than the question of whether governments may suppress the conduit along which communication can occur, for example shutting down the internet because they worry that bad things will cross the wires.
We have a society based on “trust first” and “no prior restraint.” That is admittedly dangerous, but so is living in a society in which there is no freedom. Freedom is dangerous. If you don't start from an understanding of that, you'll be blindsided when a discussion of danger comes up and you think it's suddenly a reason to retract freedoms rather than merely a re-statement of an original axiom of the discussion.