All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other Bills.
Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.
Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.
The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To establish post offices and post roads;
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
45 “He will reply, ‘Truly I tell you, whatever you did not do for one of the least of these, you did not do for me.’
Matthew 25:34-45
In Camden, S.C., A Family Talks Race And Politics
Sisters Ernestyne James Adams (right) and Althea James Truitt are concerned about the economy and today's political climate.
December 24, 2011
Listen to the Story
http://www.npr.org/2011/12/24/144067250/in-camden-s-c-a-familys-generations-talk-race
Part of a series
With the 2012 presidential election on the horizon, NPR's Debbie Elliott heads to Camden, S.C., to hear from the close-knit Gaither-James family. Like other African-Americans — considered the political base for President Obama — they're concerned about the economy and today's political climate.
Holding The Nation Back
Adams and Truitt both have Ph.D.s They had distinguished careers in the Northeast, then moved back home to Camden to retire. They say it's a different place than when they were growing up, but with some of the same issues — namely, lingering racism. It's the same thing, Truitt says, that's holding the nation back right now. http://www.npr.org/2011/12/24/144067250/in-camden-s-c-a-familys-generations-talk-race
WHAT REALLY HAPPENED TO THE 1960S
It is clear that the Tea Party Republicans do not understand the American history of the 1960s, but nevertheless wish to repeat it. According to Edward P. Morgan in What Really Happened to the 1960s: How Mass Media Culture Failed American Democracy (2010), the Republicans as the out-party of American politics in the mid-1960s were in position to draw on the disturbing media spectacle to mobilize an effective and seemingly populist political backlash.


Edward P. Morgan
Their success is dramatically revealed by the eight-year electoral swing between 1964, when Democrat Lyndon Johnson captured 61.3 percent of the popular vote, and 1972, when Richard Nixon was reelected with 60.9 percent of the popular vote, winning every state in the Electoral College except Massachusetts (and the District of Columbia). From the perspective of party changeover, it is notable that this dramatic shift occurred without the nation experiencing a major economic recession.
Although the largely liberal output of American politics wouldn’t completely evaporate until corporate America joined in the backlash and produced Ronald Reagan’s starling election in 1980, the New Deal coalition had been fractured by the time Nixon was first elected in 1968. As Kennedy and Johnson administrations became identified with the civil rights struggle, the previously solid Democratic South began to shift party loyalties, starting with Barry Goldwater’s capture of five southern states in 1964. Nixon’s explicit “Southern strategy” was even more successful, sweeping the entire South in 1972.
The forces of backlash were also able to play on the antipathies of many white Americans in the North as well as the South, particularly those working-class Americans who had only recently gained some of the trappings of middle-class life in the postwar years.
Aided by politicians’ rhetoric and visual association, the socially conservative Catholic working class could find plenty in the media spectacle that seemed demeaning of them. Conservatives repeatedly labeled the poverty program a government “handout” paid for by the hard-earned money of the working class. Unlikely to enjoy the level of material security that upper-class-middle-class college students had come to assume, working and lower-middle-inner-city blacks and student protesters as “ungrateful” recipients of government handouts or affluent privilege. (157-8)
As Caucus Nears, Iowa's Relevance Again Questioned
by Kate Wells
Audience members listen to Texas Gov. Rick Perry at a campaign meet and greet in Mt. Pleasant, Iowa. In an article in The Atlantic, a University of Iowa professor resurfaced the question of Iowa's importance in the presidential race, pointing out ways Iowa does not accurately represent the U.S.


Salon.com
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