Naqib's Daughter

Naqib's Daughter
Location
North Carolina,
Birthday
November 11
Bio
Born and raised in Egypt, educated at London University, immigrated to the United States in the eighties. Author of two novels, The Cairo House, about growing up in a political family in Nasser's Egypt, and The Naqib's Daughter, about Bonaparte's occupation of Egypt in 1798. A collection of short stories, Love is Like Water, addresses in part Arab Americans post 9/11. Also published nonfiction on Islam, Egypt, women in Muslim societies, and terrorism. Have taught at university and in journalism. An editor of South Writ Large, an online magazine of stories, arts and ideas from the Global and US Souths.

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AUGUST 4, 2011 9:56AM

Mubarak on Trial: Reading Color-coded Prison Garb

Rate: 9 Flag

Mubarak in court

 

Schadenfreude has had a field day the past couple of weeks. First it was ‘the humblest day of my life’ for Rupert Murdoch, before whose power prime ministers groveled, Scotland Yard bowed and trade unions shattered. But that was closer to comedy than tragedy, with farcical relief in the form of a cream-pie attack.

 

Hosni Mubarak on trial is the real Greek tragedy. True to form, the anti-hero’s fatal flow was the stubbornness with which he clung to power, long after it should have been clear that the option of a graceful exit was evaporating, long after the violence he unleashed on peaceful demonstrators annulled any residual goodwill left toward him in the hearts of a sentimental people. Egyptians instinctively respect age and status, and inchoately associate national dignity with that of the ruler, even a tyrant. In spite of the hundreds of dead demonstrators, the revolutionaries had been more than ready to see him leave Egypt for some cushy exile. The chants in Tahrir went: “Leave, leave. O Mubarak, the plane to Saudi Arabia is waiting for you.”

 

He should have left; he would not be standing in the dock today. Perhaps his capacity for self-delusion, or the ambition of his sons, convinced him that there could be a potential second act for the Mubarak dynasty if they stayed on Egyptian soil. Perhaps he hoped that Sharm-el-Sheikh would be his Elba, not his St Helena. But as rumors of repeated attempts at counter-revolution struck time and again in the months after the Friday of Departure, the Mubarak faction was suspected of plotting in exile. As accountability for the stark abuses of the regime became the rallying cry of the revolutionaries, it was inevitable that the day would come when the man who wielded the ultimate power should be put on trial.

 

The sight of an old man lying on a stretcher behind the traditional Egyptian ‘cage of the accused’ while his good-looking sons hover over him solicitously, is enough to evoke reflexive sympathy in any observer. But then you remember that Mubarak felt no pity for others: that he remained unmoved before the horrific photos of the mangled, bloodied corpse of Khaled Said, tortured to death by Mubarak’s secret police for daring to criticize the regime in a blog; you remember that the president remained unmoved before a video recording of police officers torturing and sexually humiliating an innocent young man who fell into their hands at a routine traffic checkpoint. The criminal police officers incriminated in these and thousands of other cases were never held accountable; even when tried in response to public outcry, they were let off with a few weeks suspension before being re-instated in their posts. Mubarak made his police above the law, as long as they protected his regime and his dynastic ambitions. He had no pity for others, nor did he fear a day of reckoning.

 

No tyrant does. Which is why it is a salutary lesson for all tyrants, especially in the region, that their day of reckoning could come as well. Some argue the contrary, that the sight of Mubarak brought to justice could harden the resolve of a dictator like Qaddafi to cling to power till the bitter end. But that would be the wrong lesson to draw: Mubarak could have spared himself humiliation if he had agreed to leave the country when he had a chance. Nor is this a repeat of the macabre puppet theatre of Saddam Hussein’s public hanging under American auspices in an occupied Iraq. Hosni Mubarak is being brought to justice by his own people.

 

And there will be no hanging, public or otherwise. Watch the body language of the accused: Mubarak, his sons, reviled former police master El-Adly, as they glad-hand smiling, reassuring police and army officers outside the courthouse. The worst sentence Hosni Mubarak might receive will be to live out the rest of his days in a comfortable ‘prison’ hospital in Sharm-el-Sheikh. His sons are on trial for minor corruption only, not for the potentially more serious crimes of ordering the killing of peaceful civilian demonstrators.

 

Mubarak and his sons wear the white prison garb of the accused before trial, symbolically presumed innocent till proven guilty. If and when they are sentenced, they will exchange the white for dark blue. None of them will ever wear the red that purports capital punishment. And that is as it should be. This revolution should not bloody its hands.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Nice post. I never thought I would see the day.

R
thank you. Neither did I, or anyone for that matter, not even the revolutionaries themselves, on January 25th.
I listened to a news report on NPR today where a commentator wanted justice but not revenge for Mubarak. But, apparently the site of him and his sons in a cage, with him on a bed, has the world transfixed. You're right, this is his fault entirely. Excellent post. Rated!
There are some other leaders I would like to see in cages.
I learned something today. Thank you for the background. I am keeping my eye on the European world court. Bush and Blair are wanted men in certain circles. May the circle widen.
It's about the rule of law. The man, the sentence, all those things are secondary. Shame we have rejected the rule of law here. It most certainly will come back to bite us on the butt.
He wasn't Saddam, or Assad, and trying him like this does encourage the Tiananemn mentality:"Call in the airstrikes on the protestors." Like Qadhaffi.
Egypt could have done worse too than Hosni Mubarak. Yes, he was a dictator. So was Sadat, and so was Nasser. But now no one wants to take him, because they don't want a Shah situation, again, someone who was, yes, a dictator, more so than Mubarak, but better than Saddam, a little bit.
Would he walk into an election booth on his own two feet?
Thank you by the way for great coverage of Egypt thsee last months.
I really wish them well, partly because a friend of mine was an AU "brat" of professors in Cairo, and as Egypt is, with you know who, can't offend the Desert Kingdom, since they are the Custodians, and very cool in their own way too in many ways, the root of the Arab and Islamic venture, the joint crown jewel of the Arab world, which is a good thing. Damascus, Baghdad, and Beirut are of course... special too. And Tel Aviv, fellow Semitic language speakers after all, maybe the problem too as to a family rivalry one could say, possibly?
I really think Mubarak was actually was part reformer too, if corrupt also. They had all those state industries from Nasser, which are hard to get rid of or make economically efficient, andn that so lends itself to bribes as we could see in Russia, but also China, who you can understand wanting the state industries at that time and place, I mean, America liked Nasser until he bought weapons from Russia, which was a balancing move. America even liked Nasser in many quarters enough to call someone to the West a "young Nasser in 1971 after all.Egypt is the forefront of Arab thought, although one could hope that the legacy of Qutb isn't the one that lasts, and even he wasn't all bad. It's just that if the Brotherhood takes over and hasn't changed its stripes, and they clearly are of two minds on this, then, that would be a problem. To me, the only reason now to care about Mubarak is like with the Shah.It has also been too easy to demonize the Brothers too, because if you keep crushing people in the sense of Attaturk, then they tend to get problematic, although the APK shows that can change. An apoology and exile in very modest circumstances sometimes is merciful and cathartic in its own way too. And he did keep a peace that in 1973 when it failed caused a nuclear alert and a lot of economic pain.
Of course, some have argued that if there was a Palestianian acceptance of the state of Israel in return for the Clinton offer of a Palestinian state, with a King Abdullah road to the Al Aqsa Mosque so he can pray there before he dies, and $10 billion dollars to connect Palestinians to Gaza et al, and Hamas accepts too, and a right or return to that state but not Israel save for burial if they so chose, and visitation rights, so to speak, that it might reverberate well in Egyptian politics as to what's next in a way that would serve American, Egyptian, and yes, Israeli interests too. Egyptian mercy might inspire more confidence in such a thing working. And again, thank you very much for your wonderful coverage of Egypt, a great country, like the Arabs, and the state of Israel, a state that more than anything has very deep acceptance issues for reasons that were not mainly the Arabs fault, but what can we do now, where could they have really gone?, and besides, there was such hope in Israel in 1977 that the peace would be warmer, to be fair. Since we give 2 billion in aid to Egypt, that is a reasonable concern as to regional stability, and of course, Egypt has a borders with Sudan that are rightfully a sphere of influence to the South in Sudan especially, but also in Libya in Cyrenaica. But great coverage again of Egypt, and sorry that comment was too long.
It's amazing how the Egyptians accomplished getting rid of Mubarak, and even more so when one considers the carnage going on in Syria and Libya. I'm still hopeful that those butchers will be caught up with and given their just deserves.

And I really hope the "Arab Spring" hasn't run its course.
Don, thank you for the encouragement on the coverage of Egypt. Let me return the compliment, I'm impressed by your take on the Middle East. And absolutely agree that Nasser and Sadat were worse tyrants than Mubarak- Nasser's time was sheer terror. Mubarak was a reformer in some ways, and gave far freer rein to the press. But it's always the case with revolutions that they happen when there is loosening and reform, not at the height of repression. It's when Mubarak felt the reins slipping out of his grasp that he allowed his security apparatus to abuse and terrorize any opposition, and finally, during the revolution, to fire on hundreds of peaceful civilians. For that he should be tried.
Educational report. I'm not familiar with the Egyptian judiciary, but from what I've heard on NPR this is mostly a show trial, with no jury and judges who will presumably find him guilty with no right of appeal. I wonder what kind of defense he will put on.
Nasser and Sadat did some good things too. There was tension with the British, who couldn't just leave Suez so easily, as you could see in WWII, because of the oil needed for armored warfare. Nasser's ideas were time bound. Like Nehru, everyone was a socialist in colonial areas then. Sadat's intifah was a good move, but, not popular either. He did good in 73 in some real ways, and in 77. The American political system couldn't push hard enough for finishing that deal on the West Bank, which made for a cold peace, although Arafat was also bound to a time that was passing by too. Such tragedy really. But as to Mubarak, for shooting the protesters, I understand the need for accountability, although there were it would seem people in the military who would have gone further, and many who would not, and identifying who was who is important. The role of the Brotherhood is of course going to be rather important. I hope the good part of the Brotherhood is what is decisive, and to me that would mean a trial that gets accountability, without really, really angering people, not, alas, very easy to do.Like you say, it's usually the case that revolutionary parties devolve over time, but that last step is so hard to do. Gemal... you just wonder if Mubarak had stepped down in 2005 or whatever, and Gemal had said "one term only transition to democracy," if that would have really made a difference, but he was also so wired into things that it is hard to do. It seems so much to me like Saif in Libya and Bashar in Syria, who were thought of as reformers, and for good reason, but they can't let go of power quite enough to make it work right. But your coverage has always been very, very good of these events, and Egypt is really important, and what we really don't want is another Shah situtation, which so many people who liked Mubarak tried to tell him. So many times: you are becoming the Shah, and that is not a good thing. What is your exit strategy?
Thank you for your continued coverage and perspective of these important events. I very much appreciate your intellegence and information.