Procopius

Procopius
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I'm a regular middle aged guy, living in a regular middle class neighborhood, in a regular middle-sized community in the middle of America. I am an expatriate Texan transplanted to the Midwest, and wondering how I got here, and where I'm headed.

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Salon.com
OCTOBER 24, 2011 3:13PM

Republican Candidates and Judicial Review

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the Supreme Court does not enjoy interpretative supremacy over the other two branches of the federal government when it comes to interpreting the Constitution.                                                                         Vince Haley, Policy Director                                                                                                 Newt Gingrich Presidential Campaign (Newt 2012)

Here’s a little factoid few Americans really know.  Nowhere in the Constitution is it written that the Judicial Branch has the authority to declare acts of Congress unconstitutional.  Nowhere in the Constitution is the Judicial Branch given the authority to declare actions of the President unconstitutional.  Just google “United States Constitution”, scroll down to Article III and read what the Founding Fathers wrote about the powers of the Courts.  Judicial Review ain’t one of them.

Newt Gingrich has taken the lead among Republican presidential contenders in pushing for a radical reduction in the power of the Judicial Branch vis-à-vis that of the Legislative and Executive branches.  Newt is appalled that the Courts have assumed the role of sole interpreters of constitutionality.  Vince Haley, the policy director for the Gingrich campaign, writes that all three branches of the federal government are equally empowered to determine the constitutionality of actions of the other branches. 

What does this mean in the real world?  What would happen if a President Gingrich believed the Court had acted in an unconstitutional manner?  According to Gingrich, the President would be in his rights to ignore the Court’s ruling.  Gingrich even provides historical precedence.  President Lincoln ignored certain Court rulings during the Civil War.  Andrew Jackson once famously derided a decision written by Chief Justice John Marshall by stating, “John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce it!”

The others running for the Republican slate aren’t about to let Newt stand alone on this topic.  Rick Perry wants to repeal the life-time appointments for federal judges.  That would require a constitutional amendment.  He also believes Congress should be granted constitutional authority to override court decisions with a two-thirds vote, just as it can with presidential vetoes.  Ron Paul wants to drastically reduce the jurisdiction of federal courts.  Rick Santorum turned up the rhetorical volume by stating he would fight back against the courts, specifically calling the Ninth Circuit Court “rogue” and “consistently radical.”

To his credit, Mitt Romney has stayed out of this fray, stating he has no desire to initiate a constitutional crisis.  John Huntsman has also remained quiet on this topic.  Romney and Huntsman are apparently the mavericks of this season’s Republican candidates.

How did we get here?  If the Constitution does not give the Courts the power to declare actions of other branches unconstitutional, then why have they assumed that authority?

To answer that question, you must go back 200 years.  Most of us remember studying about the conflicts between the early Federalists (think Alexander Hamilton and John Adams) and the Democratic-Republicans (think Thomas Jefferson and James Madison).  We may also vaguely remember one of the great political brouhahas from that era, the “midnight appointments”, when on his last days in office, John Adams appointed a large number of Federalists to government jobs.   One of those appointees was John Marshall, who became the nation’s Chief Justice.  Another of those midnight appointments was a man named William Marbury, who became the plaintiff in our nation’s most famous court case, Marbury v. Madison.

The story behind this momentous case is itself the stuff of drama, particularly the ingenious way Chief Justice Marshall’s ruling avoided resistance from his political rival, President Jefferson.  Marshall’s ruling gave Jefferson and the Democratic-Republicans a tactical victory over Marshall’s own Federalist Party.  By granting Jefferson that victory, however, he greatly and permanently increased the power of the federal government in general, and the courts in particular, something that was of paramount importance to the Federalists.

It is the long-standing consequences of Marbury v. Madison that today’s Republican candidates are trying to overturn.  In his ruling, Chief Justice Marshall wrote:

It is emphatically the province and duty of the Judicial Department to say what the law is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases must, of necessity, expound and interpret that rule…

Those, then, who controvert the principle that the Constitution is to be considered in court as a paramount law are reduced to the necessity of maintaining that courts must close their eyes on the Constitution, and see only the law [e.g., the statute or treaty]

This doctrine would subvert the very foundation of all written constitutions.

This is the heart of Marbury v. Madison, and it is the heart of modern jurisprudence as it relates to the interpretation of constitutional issues.  It has made the courts, and the courts alone, the definitive arbiter of constitutional conflicts.  Its impact cannot be overstated.  It enabled the United States to move beyond “separate but equal” schools.  It forced President Nixon to release evidence that he had personally engaged in criminal behavior.  It put to a stop attempts by a more recent president to make torture an acceptable means of law enforcement.  And every single Republican running for president is ardently hoping judicial review will force the repeal of President Obama’s health care law.

What Gingrich and others are proposing is not a total the repeal of judicial review.  They are arguing that this long-standing doctrine should be accompanied by something like “executive review” and “legislative review”, where those branches would have the power to override judicial decisions on constitutional grounds.  It’s a gigantic leap.  It would push us far away from the current balance of power between the branches of government.  It leaves unanswered what would happen if the branches unilaterally declared actions of the other branches unconstitutional.  Who has ultimate authority?  It’s a constitutional crisis just waiting to happen. 

Is that what we really need right now?

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I wonder what Gingrich, Rep. - Georgia, would have done under his policy of "Executive Review" if he had been president instead of Eisenhower when Brown v. Topeka Board of Education was decided?
This debate did not begin with our Constitution. This argument goes back to ancient Greece at least. It also reared its head with John Wycliffe, the Morningstar of the Reformation, who dared suggest the divine right of Pope and King existed only so long as they comported their actions with the will of God. The pissing contest between Henry VIII and the Pope was another example of this all but endless debate -- and we know how that one turned out.

Thank God, we don't have a theocracy to deal with -- yet.

The uniqueness of our system is that it assigns divine rights -- or certain inalienable rights endowed by a Creator, if you prefer that construction -- to the people. Ultimate authority, then, rests not with the President or the Court or Congress, but with the people. By my reading, all govt officials serve only so long as they follow the will of the people. That's why the Founders included a provision for impeachment. Too bad we don't avail ourselves of the option more often -- say when a President trades arms for hostages or authorizes torture.

Another pissing contest occurred with the SC decision involving the Cherokee Nation, a decision that tangentially -- at least -- cast doubt on the validity of the Indian Removal Act. The response of President Jackson is oft-quoted but quite possibly apocryphal: "John Marshall has made his ruling; now let him enforce it."

Many legal scholars, to say nothing of legal ignoramuses like me, pointed out that with the Court's over-reaching in the 2000 election, and its decision in Citizens United, the court not only corrupted the political process, but rendered it's own objectivity questionable.

Truth is these terribly flawed judges are no more infallible than the Pope, and by acting as if they are -- and by crawling into the gutter with other political slime, the Court has put itself is in danger of losing the sacrosanct position it has long held. Stay tuned -- this debate could get very hot unless Citizens United is somehow overturned, an outcome highly unlikely with this Court.

The power to appoint SC justices is one obvious reason I point to when those who don't know any better suggest both parties are essentially the same, and voting makes no difference. It is simply ludicrous to suggest that Al Gore would have appointed someone like John Roberts or Sam Alito to the Court; and with Gore appointees ont eh bench, the decision in CU would very likely have gone the other way.
Tom, thank you for your thoughtful response. I'm truly amazed that the current court would be subject to derision by the Republican Party's candidates when it is surely the most conservative court in our lifetime. Additionally, far more members of the lower courts were appointed by Republicans than by Democrats.

Of course, this entire conversation is probably little more than typical election demagoguery. My fear is that the candidates will start to believe their own rhetoric, or under pressure from the most extreme members of their constituency, will try to actually convert their most extreme statements into public policy.

As to your point about certain recent decisions, I completely agree that the Court has greatly diminished itself by instilling itself directly into the political process so nakedly. Sadly, they are precedents that will be virtually impossible to reverse in our lifetimes.
One other point, Tom, is what would have happened if the concept of "executive review" had existed in November, 2000, and the president had decided the court had acted unconstitutionally in its decision in Bush v Gore? Talk about constitutional crisis!
RIghtwing disenchantment with the Court began with Brown and busing, and calcified with Roe v Wade. As you say, you'd think that now that the pendulum has crashed thru the right side of the Cuckoo-Clock Court, the wingnuts would happily and reasonably take "Yes" for an answer. But alas, expecting reasonableness from the Rabid Wrong is a fool's errand, as Obama has discovered -- much to his dismay -- and his disapproval rating in the polls.
The Court being political is a problem with a history, but this Court is ideological. The Federalist Society 4 and their sidekick Kennedy want to make the Constitution something it was never intended to be, which is libertarian. Right-libertatrian, that is. Screw the civil liberties, the corporations must be free to rule.

Check the Fed Soc website. They are creating a system of 'conservative-libertarian" law. This is just a creature of contrivance, as the ideology is just there to justify a blatant power grab. A Conservative government is what we overthrew with the American Revolution. Libertarianism is a trash pseudo-philosophy that has its roots in the latter 1830s, based on laissez faire and social Darwinism. Not a Founding Principle in sight.

As the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, it does follow that the Court should hold law to its confines. However, now that it's the sub rosa effort towards an ideological end game, it needs to be dealt with, politically. That this effort has so far destroyed America's economy and handed our government over to transnational finance won't stop the ideologues.

Then, there's Aquinas' view of an unjust law, like Citizen's Untied created. The Catholic originalists-of-convenience probably forgot that while they were forgetting how the Founders dealt with for profit corporations.
Bush v. Gore was pure political/ideological and was an extraconstitutional contrivance designed to ensure more of their ilk grabbing control. It's far worse than most people think. A dying ideology attempting to rule from the grave.

Yeah. I have an opinion...
Paul, the "originalists" are only originalists when it's convenient. I don't know if it's as conspiratorial as you imply, but the consequences of their recent ideological decisions definitely go beyond any claims to "original intent", and have made a government of the people, by the people, and for the people a difficult prospect.
Pro,
It's that bad. If you'll read Citizens United, you'll see the point where the logical leap gets made. Same thing on a few others. The dissent in CU is smoking mad, in the way such things can be. CU was a case the "Justices" brought before the court. They set aside the original legal complaint and told both parties to come back to argue what THEY wanted argued. At that point, everyone knew the fix was in. The fix was in. It's a frontal assault/insult to American liberty.

The Newt thing can be filed under various right-wing ways to delete the Constitution. There are plenty of ideological state's rights/nullification professional revisionists/negationists running around Rwingland.

Their ideology has been a flaming disaster, so they invent new issues as excuses. It's really a stupid, self-involved game of cowboys and indians between phony Federalists-v-Anti-Federalists, with no real question of how it works for America. They dredge up old anti-federalist, losing arguments and claim it's Founding Intent. I have argued with too many of them.
i read this three times - Tom had most of what i was thinking in his comment - the macro is - justice was an impediment - so it too has gone . The pope will retain his City - and the corps will own the state -and after US justice goes - so the drones drop where they may. A trial for bin laden? no way ! Justice gone - and freedom too, unless you got a billion and a private jet or two.
I think we all know what Gingrich would've done (or not done) had he been President in 1954, even though the SC ruled 9-0 in favor of integration. The same Equal Protection Clause in the 14th Amendment that opened schools to all races is the rationale behind corporate personhood, although the SC never ruled on such. The court reporter for United States Reports opened his summary of Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad (1886) by stating that the SC did not want to hear arguments based on the 14th Amendment because the justices had all determined that the 14th applied to corporations. The actual ruling in the case was about a tax dispute. There was no opinion given regarding Equal Protection. Nonetheless, this headnote by a court reporter has been the basis of all corporate personhood decisions since.

Oh, and Gingrich is an historical revisionist tool. But we all know that.
Snowden, Tom speaks very eloquently for many of us. Glad you stopped by.

Stim, I'm still waiting for one of those corporations to join the all volunteer army and head for Afghanistan, since they are just another person. Interesting history you provided on the "personhood" argument, and it's a history I was not familiar with. Thanks for sharing.
leaden

this post won't change anything
This post and most of the accompanying comments changed my mind. I hadn't been aware of the depth of history to what the Supreme Court has been up to. Thanks for laying it out so well.
ume, you're right.

Stacey, This is one of those posts on which I really appreciate the insightful comments.
Great post, Procopius. I wish more people would see it!
If you want an example of the kind of intellectual dishonesty contained in Gingrich's position paper (ghostwritten by Vince Haley and a couple other AEI hacks), it rears its ugly head pretty early on, on Page Six.

Haley cites Federalist #78 to assert that the Judiciary cannot impinge on the exercise of power by the other two branches:

" Hamilton was also confident the judicial branch could never seriously encroach upon the powers of the legislative branch. Hamilton said it was because the judicial branch had a 'total incapacity to support its usurpations by force.' In Federalist 78, he called the judiciary 'beyond comparison the weakest of the three departments of power' and the one that could 'never attack
with success either of the other two'."

Yet there are numerous other parts of that very document which make it *crystal clear* that Hamilton meant the exact opposite of what Haley implies. Discussing limitations on the Legislature's power (i.e. no ex post facto laws or bills of attainder):

"Limitations of this kind can be preserved in practice no other
way than through the medium of courts of justice, whose duty
it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of
the Constitution void."

The entirety of Federalist #78 argues that a wholly independent Judiciary, with permanently-appointed judges is essential to a Constitutional government, yet Haley/Gingrich argue that it says the exact opposite. Apparently they don't realize these documents are freely available online.
snidely, people like Gingrich et. al. operate under the assumption that the vast majority of their listeners will be either too uninformed or too lazy to seek notice or fact check their misleading or flat out erroneous statements. Far too frequently, their assumptions prove correct, especially with regard to the MSM, whose job it is to do exactly what Gingrich counts on them NOT to do.