I have just finished reading Kissinger's book "Diplomacy," as well as parts of Winston Churchill's book "The Gathering Storm." Kissinger's book is excellent and although I have reservations about the majority of Churchill's multivolume WW2 series, I found his insights regarding Munich in the series' first volume to be erudite, particularly in regard to diplomatic strategy.
In my opinion, two major peace treaties have come to define American foreign policy and diplomatic consciousness: Munich and Versailles.
Versailles has come to represent the failure of a brutal form of victors' justice, of what happens when the winners of a war exact too stringent of a peace (the harsh reparations of the French and their occupation of the Saar when the Germans couldn't meet the payments, the catastrophic inflation of the Weimar Republic, caused when Germany tried to print more money to meet French reparation demands; when a worldview that is too idealistic (self-determination for ethnic groups in Eastern and Central Europe) creates a geopolitical situation that is untenable (namely, the creation of a multitude of mini-states between the Great Powers of Russia and Germany, states that were bound to be gobbled up without effective and credible guarantees of security and mutual defense).
Versailles also stands for the principle, Kissinger alludes to, that countries should not make committments they are not prepared to fight over. This refusal or reticence causes said nations' credibility to decline and emboldens/encourages aggressive challengers to the status quo.
In Europe, Hitler's constant challenging of Versailles, from the re-occupation of the Rhineland and Saar, re-armament, and the Anschluss with Austria (all prohibited expressly by Versailles and its follow-up conferences and treaties, such as Locarno and Stressa), caused stress among the French and British, but many of them felt that the terms of Versailles were blatantly unjust and that they had no moral grounds on which to oppose Hitler, especially when he was only demanding the unification of ethnic German majority-lands located in other nations, with Germany proper. The allies felt that this was square with the principle of self-determination and they weren't prepared to fight a war over this.
Yet Kissinger implicitly makes the case that this is what caused the death of Versailles-the fact that nations drew a line in the sand, but then refused to support said position when the madman called their bluff.
This is an important lesson. When one drafts a treaty, an agreement or even a plea bargain, one must only agree to that which one is capable of enforcing and/or performing in accordance with. Because if one fails, one will be seen as weak by the other side, and depending on who your enemy is, this could invite a potential attack.
Munich presents another lesson, that of not appeasing aggression. We all know the story. Hitler wanted the ethnic German majority located in the Sudetenland, a mountainous region of Bohemia in Czechoslovakia to become a part of the Reich. The problem was that most of the Czechs' armament factoris (the Skoda works) their best geographical defenses (mountains and choke-points) and their best forts and military bases, as well as weapon stores, were all located in this highly strategic area. The Allies sold the Czechs down the river and gave the Sudetenland to Germany in order to avoid war. Despite the Munich agreement, Hitler invaded the rest of Czechoslovakia anyway, this time with the assistance of Hungary, Poland and Romania, who each gobbled up a portion.
On the other hand, the British used this time to significantly build-up and train their military and airforce, slowly realizing the threat Hitler posed to civilization. The French also used this time to build-up their military. Had they declared war too early, they might have found themselves fighting an enemy they were, as of yet, unprepared to face. Indeed, even when they declared war when they did, in 1939, they were still rather unprepared, due to almost two decades of pacifism and disarmament.
That said, by the time Hitler's western offensive of 1940 came, the Western Allies, combined, could match the Germans militarily. Indeed, Hitler feared the material resources of the Allies and for this reason pushed for a lightening victory in the West. Hence the Blitzkrieg.
In any event, the lessons of the era are clear. One should be careful when negotiating with aggressive bully nations, but one should also be benevolent when dealing with defeated nations.
That said, could the lessons of Versailles and Munich have been inaccurately drawn?
Our entire Cold War strategy was based on a refusal to "appease" the dictators, thinking this would encourage aggression. This has brought us into many wars as a result, such as Vietnam and Korea. On the other hand, our wish to help our former foe, or even potential foe, by way of building up their economy has caused us to unleash a massive barrage of foreign aid, like the Marshal Plan, throughout the world. This has had positive results for American diplomacy and our economy, in terms of bringing the Europeans closer to us. But in regard to Asia and the rest of the world, this policy has had a different effect. Indeed, we seem to have financed and underwritten the economic development and advancement of our primary global competitors, costing the jobs of thousands of Americans.
If we want to do better in the years ahead, we need to re-examine Munich and Versailles. We need to see if we are applying their lessons correctly.


Salon.com
Comments
R♥
Dr. Bramhall: I am fully familiar with Kissinger's war crimes and unethical and immoral acts abroad, especially the overthrow of Allende and the pro-Pinochet coup in Chile.
That said, I am not above reading the books and essays of such people in order to figure out how they think and also, to more finely hone my own strategic thinking on a given subject.
For example, I once wrote a paper discussing the evolution of 20th century tank and armored warfare tactics. The paper was 20 pages long and roughly six pages were devoted to Heinz Guderian and Erwin Rommel. Yet by studying such men and their ideas, this does not make me a Nazi sympathizer.
Same thing when reading diplomatic history. One can read Kissinger and derive lessons from his books, but not subscribe to his moral and/or ideological values.
Indeed, if you read the stuff I wrote above, while I understand the lessons of such books, I also think politicians and folks like Kissinger have overdrawn the precedent-utility of such lessons.
Not every peace-agreement or diplomatic olive branch, tendered to an authoritarian, is a Munich in the making.
This is a major problem the Neocons have right now regarding North Korea. They refuse to talk to them. I think we should.
I think we should commence and re-open serious diplomatic relations.
When you dig beneath the subjective rhetorical gloss, you see the objective reality of foreign policy and geopolitics. The so-called "Axis of Evil" is nothing more than a name we give countries who refuse to do what we tell them to do.
Sure, some of them are downright evil. And I am not supporting them. Iran and North Korea suck big time. That said, so does Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.
What I'm trying to say is that we are very selective in terms of which "bad guys" we are friends with, and which ones we demonize for being bad guys (so we can attack). And it all comes down to whether a given political-social unit is willing to "play ball" with US corporate imperial interests.
If they refuse, they are made into pariah states.
i recomment the full six-volume set of Churchil''s Second War history
r.
Whenever politicians or public servants write historical works, we must be careful when reading them, especially if they lived through the events. Such works can be very useful, but if they are gauged and tailored for the general public (rather than for personal use) they often contain self-serving propaganda. And Churchill utilized such tactics a great deal.
Also, as you mention, the Poles took a bit of Czech territory, Teschen, an industrial center. By doing so they forfeited some of the moral high ground, which Stalin exploited at Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam.
Anyway, great piece. You might enjoy Martin Gilbert's single volume bio of Churchill (or all eight volumes), along with William Manchester's The Last Lion, the third volume of which will mostly cover WWII.
I thought the third volume would never come out, because Manchester died while writing it?
If we totally isolate them, we give the Chinese too much influence there, which I don't like. We need the Japanese, South Koreans and US to have equal or greater influence.
We also need to have a formal peace conference and end the Korean War, once and for all. Legally speaking, it is ongoing, still, to this day.
The only thing I learned from Eisenhower was how obsessed he was with diplomacy and logistics during the war. These aren't small things, but the insights I derived from the book didn't concern military strategy, tactics or weapon-use in the slightest.
The only thing I derived from Ike was the artistry he used in managing a multi-national allied coalition and the highly difficult logistic-task before him.
We often read about generals and strategy and tactics. But I had no idea how much more difficult it was to ensure that such generals get the troops and material they need in order to get to the battle-front in the first place. Ike goes to great lengths to discuss these challenges, and especially, how a slight German tactical advantage after a battle was dangerous, not because it could directly destroy the Allies, but because of the force-maximization they would enjoy from hitting us in core, logistic-zone soft-spots.
It gave my understanding of the Battle of the Bulge an added dimension.
It seems they were rampant, aggressive nationalists and participated in a number of aggressive military actions against their neighbors.
In fact, it seems the Nazis were skilled at making the Poles look like aggressors, precisely because of Poland's history of military aggression from 1919 to 1939. They used these facts well, albeit to justify even greater acts of aggression.
The US does this sometimes, no?
lol
I found Ike's Crusade in Europe to be rather plodding and uninspired, kind of like Ike. Yet, to his credit he had the political skills to deal with Marshall, Adm. King, Monty, Brooke, Mountbatten, and Churchill. In that sense, he was the right man for the SHAEF job. In Crusade in Europe Ike clearly paints a portrait of Churchill as being opposed to the Second Front, fearing beaches running with blood, vast slaughter. But Churchill opposed only a premature Second Front. He feared not putting enough men ashore, and he was right. At his suggestion Overlord was beefed up. Before the Anzio landings Ike expressed the exact same reservations, and he, too, was right. Logistics was Ike's speciality, and I believe the Allies were lucky it was so.
Good job.
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♥╚═══╝╚╝╚╝╚═══╩═══╝─╚For the M&V history lesson.
Regarding Versailles:
There are of course the two lessons that one shouldn't make commitments one can't keep and that the settlement was unjust and brutal. What's left out of that equation is what was probably the biggest consequence of the brutality of that treaty: the rise of Naziism in the first place. For all practical purposes, the Allies handed Hitler an incubator by making the Germans that angry.
The Marshall Plan was a better idea. We didn't end up with extremist governments in West Germany or Japan and we ended up with good customers for exports, at least for a while. I don't know if the Marshall Plan had a whole lot to do with the rise of China. Japan is a different case - the US was totally unprepared to compete with a combination of Japanese industry and the Japanese government supporting it so completely with policy. That's how we lost our television set industry within about two years - not because it was outcompeted but essentially because it was mugged and the US government never got around to understanding that what American industry faced wasn't competition but a combination of competition and regulatory barriers in Japan. That issue wasn't the Marshall Plan so much that the Commerce Dept. (I think that's the right dept.) was asleep at the wheel.
Munich is of course a different lesson. The only part left out of the analysis is that Chamberlain bought the U.K. desperately needed time to finish ringing the British Isles with radar coverage, which is one of the reasons the RAF was able to beat the Luftwaffe.
The trouble with the Cold War model is that our analysis wasn't subtle enough. We were too busy condemning all communism to notice that Ho Chi Minh was originally approaching the US Government in the 1950's expecting support on the grounds that he was freeing his country from colonialism and, in that respect, was following our model. Contrary to our simplistic assumption, communism was not monolithic, something we eventually figured out when Nixon had to tell Brezhnev we wouldn't allow him to nuke China.
We blew an opportunity with Iran in 2001. We had no diplomatic relations with them, Al Qaida attacked the WTC and the Pentagon and there were pro-US demonstrations in Tehran, something I remember from news reports at the time but which very few other people seem to have caught. The Iranians were interested in talking to us and approaches were made. Unfortunately, Bush II almost immediately referred to them in a major speech as one end of the "axis of evil." Now, instead of having an open line of communications, we're worried about their developing nukes.
In North Korea, we should of course be talking to them in the immediate aftermath of regime change. That's our excuse.
I'd say that the lesson isn't which model we follow, it's that we should never allow ourselves to be trapped by any model when reality doesn't fit the prototype we have in mind precisely.
Regarding Versailles:
There are of course the two lessons that one shouldn't make commitments one can't keep and that the settlement was unjust and brutal. What's left out of that equation is what was probably the biggest consequence of the brutality of that treaty: the rise of Naziism in the first place. For all practical purposes, the Allies handed Hitler an incubator by making the Germans that angry.
The Marshall Plan was a better idea. We didn't end up with extremist governments in West Germany or Japan and we ended up with good customers for exports, at least for a while. I don't know if the Marshall Plan had a whole lot to do with the rise of China. Japan is a different case - the US was totally unprepared to compete with a combination of Japanese industry and the Japanese government supporting it so completely with policy. That's how we lost our television set industry within about two years - not because it was outcompeted but essentially because it was mugged and the US government never got around to understanding that what American industry faced wasn't competition but a combination of competition and regulatory barriers in Japan. That issue wasn't the Marshall Plan so much that the Commerce Dept. (I think that's the right dept.) was asleep at the wheel.
Munich is of course a different lesson. The only part left out of the analysis is that Chamberlain bought the U.K. desperately needed time to finish ringing the British Isles with radar coverage, which is one of the reasons the RAF was able to beat the Luftwaffe.
The trouble with the Cold War model is that our analysis wasn't subtle enough. We were too busy condemning all communism to notice that Ho Chi Minh was originally approaching the US Government in the 1950's expecting support on the grounds that he was freeing his country from colonialism and, in that respect, was following our model. Contrary to our simplistic assumption, communism was not monolithic, something we eventually figured out when Nixon had to tell Brezhnev we wouldn't allow him to nuke China.
We blew an opportunity with Iran in 2001. We had no diplomatic relations with them, Al Qaida attacked the WTC and the Pentagon and there were pro-US demonstrations in Tehran, something I remember from news reports at the time but which very few other people seem to have caught. The Iranians were interested in talking to us and approaches were made. Unfortunately, Bush II almost immediately referred to them in a major speech as one end of the "axis of evil." Now, instead of having an open line of communications, we're worried about their developing nukes.
In North Korea, we should of course be talking to them in the immediate aftermath of regime change. That's our excuse.
I'd say that the lesson isn't which model we follow, it's that we should never allow ourselves to be trapped by any model when reality doesn't fit the prototype we have in mind precisely.
A new light on revisionist history?
They didn't really achieve it though, despite the fall of Scandinavia, France and the low countries. This is because, as we all know, the BEF escaped from Dunkirk and the Germans failed to successfully execute Operation Sealion.
Ergo, although the Germans avoided the 1914-1918 style stalemate that existed on the Western Front, they were still nonetheless unable to achieve an ultimate, knock-out blow against Britain. This, despite taking Paris.
That doesn't mean they didn't try. And try they did. And fail they did, too